Cite as: Stowasser, Jürgen (2025): Measuring Public Health with the Barometer (Madrid 1737). https://ilinx.at/posts/madrid1737.php.

In March 1737, the Madrilenian Royal Academy of Medicine (Real Academia Médica Matritense), founded only four years earlierThe foundation charter, published in 1734, declared as prime objective the nation-wide promotion and advancement of science and science-based medicine. Importantly in the political environment of the period, the charter document includes an address of support of the political authorities and church dignitaries (Academia Médica Matritense 1734: 20-22). The early period of the Spanish academies of science and medicine was shaped by shutdowns, resurrections, and political interference (e.g., a change of trajectories when a new monarch came into power). For the convoluted history of organizational reshuffles and frequent name changes see López Tárraga et al., 2020, and RANME 2025: 18f.; Eva Velasco Moreno discusses the foundation of academies in the context of the Novatores movement, the driver of the early Spanish Enlightenment (Velasco Moreno 2000), launched a research project in the city of Madrid to study the effect of climate and its seasonal fluctuations on public health. The academy published monthly reports titled Ephemerides barométrico-médicas matritenses (from now on: Eph-M), providing meteorological data and an epidemiological account authored by Francisco Fernández Navarrete, initiator and director of the project. Fernández Navarrete was an obvious choice for this task since he conducted the first instrumental meteorological observations in Spain.From 1706 on, he collected weather observations together with medical records in Granada (published in Fernández Navarrete 1997), where he held the chair in medicine at the local university (Gil Albarracín 2018). In 1728, he began to use an "English barometer" and a "Florentine thermometer" (Rodrigo 2019: 652f) and produced records of sufficient quality to be converted into a climatological dataset (see the detailed discussion in Rodrigo/Barriendos 1998).

Francisco Fernández Navarrete had spent the better part of his academic career at the University of Granada, first as a student of medicine and then as a faculty member taking the regular career path of holding first the less prestigious (and poorly paid) professorship called cátedra de Vísperas until being appointed to the prime Chair of Medicine (cátedra de Prima).Gil Albarracín (RAH): «Fernández Navarrete». In 1733, he was appointed \textit{médico supernumerario de Cámara} meaning he was now a court physician and part of the medical team of Philip V in the capital.See Gil Albarracín, op. cit. (For more on Fernández Navarrete's years at the University of Granada and his medical writings see my post \url{https://ilinx.at/posts/read-like-an-inquisitor.php} which outlines some of the particular challenges sources from early modern Spain pose for the history of science.)

An Ambitious Launch

The Ephemerides Barometrico-Medicas Matritenses were released as monthly reports, starting in March 1737 (see the title page of the first issue: Figure 3). Introduced as a long-term research endeavor, the Eph-M were discontinued with the October issue, following an apparently tumultuous period with two leadership changes. However, instrumental observations continued at least until December, possibly even longer (see below). The Eph-M have, quite uniquely, an "alter ego": a digest of three monthly Eph-M issues at once, published anonymouslyGarcía de Cortázar 2023: 245 argues convincingly that the author of the first two articles was almost certainly Fernández Navarrete himself. A look into the nondigitized part of Fernández Navarrete's manuscripts may help to further clarify this question. in the Diario de los literatos de España (from now on: Diario), a quarterly magazine dedicated to the promotion of scientific progress and the ideas of the early Enlightenment (racionalismo ilustrado). The articles in the Diario are presented as a mere summary of the Eph-M monthlies, they include, however, a few passages of additional content not to be found in the original. Another noticeable difference is the style of the digest, which is distinctly less deferential than the manner of writing in the Eph-M. Due to the entanglement of the two texts, I will do a parallel reading, treating the Diario digests as a second layer of the "official" version.

Two of the monthly issues, at the start of the Eph-M and then again in the September issue when a new project director took over, were presented with an introduction providing background information on the goals and scope of the project, the institutional setting, the equipment and the theoretical approach. In the introductions, we can observe the Diario version to diverge significantly from the original Eph-M. The main "empirical" part of the Eph-M has the same structure through all installments: Each monthly edition begins with the instrumental measurements in tabular form (see Fig. 4). The text then proceeds to a summary of the prevalent weather conditions and reports extraordinary events observed in the sky during the month (this includes meterological as well as astronomical phenomena in the present systematics). The following segment provides an epidemiological report with some case examples after which the monthly concludes with a description of anomalous findings in postmortem examinations (malformations of organs, weirdly colored tissue, etc.).

Empirical approach When Fernández Navarrete is describing the methodological approach of the Eph-M, he uses a vocabulary that plays on the chords of the empiricist philosophers of that time, e.g., «el mas exacto calculo»Eph-M: [iii], «observaciones Medicas», or «experimentos Physicos»---all of which may sound quite unremarkable to current readers but in the context of 18th century Spain's academic landscape this means to take a stand against the prevalent Scholasticism (and from a Scholastic's view, this is clearly the language of the reprehensible novatores). As the introduction states, this is also the general position of the Academy of Medicine: «La Real Academia Matritense, se ha propuesto desde el principio de su fundacion por fin primario, é idéa principal de su instituto, conducir la Medicina Española al termino de la mas possible perfeccion, por el camino de la observacion, y experiencia, imitando aquellos passos, y siguiendo aquellos rumbos, que gloriosamente han emprendido las Academias eruditas de la Europa [...].»Eph-M: [2] (Since its foundation, the Royal Madrilenian Academy has pursued the ultimate goal and central idea of guiding the Spanish medicine to the most possible perfection by means of observation and experimentation, thus reproducing the steps and following the course gloriously taken by Europe's learned academies.) From the perspective of the history of medicine, this explicitly more empirical approach resembles---and was likely inspired by---the work of Thomas Sydenham (Observationes Medicae, 1676).Fernández Navarrete makes no mention of Sydenham in the Eph-M, but he was familiar with the writings of his English colleague as his excerpts show. He refers to Sydenham, for instance, in a couple of notes headed Pro Arte Observatoria, Fernández Navarrete 1745: [232r]

Geographical scope Although initially limited to Madrid, the observations were intended to eventually cover the entire country (it is not clear if they planned to also include the oversea colonies). Contributors, for example, physicians and scholars, were expected to work on a voluntary basis.Eph-M: [iii] The same model appeared to already be in place to collect instrumental measurements and medical statistics in Madrid. Fernández Navarrete, however, does not provide any information on the particulars of the data collection (e.g., who participated, did the medical records cover the entire city or only some hospitals, etc.), just that he was in charge to "extract" the informations.Eph-M: [ii]

Place The central proposition is the entanglement of the human body with the territory and, thereby, the local climate. The health of the population of Madrid is intrinsically related to what Fernández Navarrete calls (in accordance with early modern usage) the "natural history" of a place.«Y siendo tan estrecha la unión entre la Medicina de un País, y la Historia Natural de él [..].» (Eph-M: [2f]) He therefore describes the whole undertaking of the Ephemerides as «Proyecto de la Historia Natural y Medica de España [..].»Eph-M: [3) The underlying assumption for the interconnection between body and place is the familiar notion of microcosm/macrocosm. The "preservation and transformation of our bodies," he explains in the introduction, "is characteristic and peculiar to each territory and country which is why people do not hesitate to speak of their very own sky."«[...] conservacion, y alteracion de nuestros cuerpos es tan propio, y peculiar de cada territorio, y País, que por él no dudaron los hombres llamarle Cielo propio de ellos.» (Eph-M: v) The preservation of the body as microcosm («nuestro cuerpo, como mundo menor») is entirely reliant on the events in the atmosphere as macrocosm which is why physicians have to conduct a combined observation of both medical and aerial phenomena («Phenomenos Meteoricos»).«La que desde luego ofrece por si la convinada observacion de los Phenomenos Meteoricos, y Médicos, está a la vista de quien huviere saludado las primeras Reglas de la Medicina practica, y aun de la razón natural. Sus primeros Legisladores vocearon la mutua dependencia, y consonancia entre la Atmosphera, sus condiciones, y mudanzas, y el estado, y alteraciones de nuestro cuerpo, como mundo menor, cuya conservacion en el todo depende del mayor.» (Eph-M: [4])

Air Most decisive for the well-being of Madrid's residents was, according to Fernández Navarrete, the air they breathe: «Es el ayre el pasto mas preciso, y mas continuo de nuestra vida. Es un Oceano donde la infinita variedad de cuerpos del universo, atenuados, y divididos se pierden, y ocultan en las ondas de la transparencia.»Eph-M: [4] (Air is the most essential and steady aliment of our life. It is an ocean in which the infinite variety of bodies in the universe are diluted and divided to disperse and hide in waves of transparency.) Here and in the following passage, he is drawing on Aristotelian notions such as air being the product of "exhalations" of the material world or the idea of the fifth element aether as the constituent of the upper celestial spheres.Eph-M: [4f]; Aristotle elaborated these concepts in the Meteorologica, see specifically Meteor. lib. I,iii on the celestial spheres and there the passage on the notion of the fifth element aether (Aristotle 1952: 13f) The reverting to Aristotelian tropes is somewhat at odds with the pledge to a strictly empirical approach and among several inconsistencies to be found in the Eph-M. Likewise, the reports on the diseases do not provide any case numbers, in spite of the declared intention to produce "the most exact calculations".Oddly enough, he ranks the diseases according to the number of cases and refers to "bigger" or "equal" numbers compared to other months, e.g.: «Las enfermedades de este mes han sido casi las mismas, aunque en numero algo mayor que las de Abril.» (Eph-M May, 1737: 16) Noteworthy from a semantic perspective, Fernández Navarrete never uses the term "meteorology", only occasionally "phenomenos meteoricos" to refer to any kind of occurrences observed in the sky.Cf., e.g., «phenomenos meteoricos y médicos» (Eph-M 1737: [4]); even in today's Spanish, "meteoro" has kept the meaning of atmospheric phenomenon (DRAE: «meteoro», https://dle.rae.es/meteoro?m=form) When he speaks of instrumental measurements, he uses the very idiosyncratic term "observaciones barométrico-médicas". Speaking of semantics: The language in the Eph-M shows a tendency to an ambiguous and evasive wording when it comes to sensitive topics. Fernández Navarrete uses, for instance, several times the line "descubrimientos de los sabios del passado, y presente siglo" which can be read as an attempt to reassure the theologians. In a similar vein, he alludes to criticism of "the foreigners" (read: progressive philosophers and scholars in other countries such as England and France) that the advance of Spanish science was too slow and behind other nations, which he rebukes by insisting that the alleged delay was indeed rather a sign of prudence.The critics "cannot take away from Spain the glory of being prudent and having a solid judgement": «[... ] que no pueden quitarla la gloria de prudente, y solida en el juzgar» (Eph-M: [3f])

These lines are as unequivocal as possible: The people in the "other faculties" who prefer the darkness of the ancients to the light of scientific observations, are, of course, the scholastic theologians (and, by extension, the Catholic church).

Regarding the instrumental measurements, the Madrilenian observers content themselves with thermometer and barometer, a choice Fernández Navarrete explains as follows:

Fernández Navarrete's take on the allegedly effortless usability of the barometer is surprising given that contemporary sources complain about the challenges of operating the barometer (see, e.g., Lomonosov and Hemmer in the following chapters). The (mis)judgment is perhaps indicative of a lack of in-depth knowledge of the latest measurement methods. The fact that he does not provide much information on the specifics of the equipment and that he had the instruments moved to a different location after some time suggests the same conclusion (and so does criticism by his successor, who put much emphasis on a complete overhaul of the instrumentation, see below).

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Fernández Navarrete's drawing of a Huygens barometer (FN 1703: 217r)

One noticeable feature of the monthly reports---the empirical output of the project---is how much they resemble medical case histories. The instrumental data and all kinds of meteorological phenomena---such as harmful winds, sudden frosts, or suffocating heat---form part of an anamnesis of the city and its inhabitants, in the same way as seasonal disease patterns, postmortem examinations, or the amount and color of sputum expectorated by the hospitalized. The epidemiological section of the Eph-M provide insights into the daily practice in Madrid's hospitals most of them quite characteristic of the early modern period.The medication, for instance, consisted mostly of purgatives, diuretics, and diaphoretics, i.e., remedies with the purpose of stimulating the excretion of superfluous and pathogenic matter, as taught by the Hippocratic humoral theory. The preferred therapy was, unsurprisingly, bloodletting (sangría), which was apparently administered almost regardless of the nature of a medical condition.

Fernández Navarrete rarely turns to astrological explications (certainly not as much as the rest of the "meteorological" texts published in Spain of that time):

Although Fernández Navarrete put so much emphasis on the impact of weather on health, he made no specific connection between the instrumental measurements and particular diseases occurring at the same time. Apparently he had rather general effects in mind--perhaps we get a better understanding if we imagine the material world the Eph-M are referring to. The monthly accounts of the weather conditions provide visual descriptions of the impact on the city: rain sweeping through the streets of Madrid, in contrast, the same streets without having been rinsed through for weeks without precipitation, or the air pressing down without even a light breeze to ventilate the capital (probably what now is called an omega block preventing convection and causing smog-like effects). Now, let us picture the urban environment of early modern Madrid. The city had no sewer system by then (or any other European city, for that matter).A recent research project surveyed the sanitary history of Madrid, including the sanitary conditions in the 18th century and the first attempts to manage sewage and water supply (Pinto Crespo et al. 2015: 59-93). With some olfactory imagination, we may relate to the feeling of relief when the wind and rain dissipated the malodorous urban haze for a while.The "smellscape" of early modern Madrid was stoked by tanneries, limekilns, slaugtherhouses, and textile mills, all of which contributed to the local water pollution (Pinto Crespo et al. 2015: 23). A semantic fossil in today's Spanish reminds us of what was likely the signature odor of the early modern city: The expression ¡Aguas!, meaning "Watch out!", has its origin in the custom to politely warn in advance before pouring the contents of the chamber pot into the streets.

Regime Change

Then, with the September issue of the Eph-M, occurs something like a regime change. Instead of Fernández Navarrete, the title page displays a new name as author and person in charge: Alejandro Martinez Argandoña, anatomist and, like his predecessor, member of the academy and court physician.Eph-M, title page September, and Rodríguez de la Torre: «Martínez Argandoña, Alejandro» With the new director in command, changes were made immediately: New models of both thermometer and barometer are introduced (accompanied by scathing criticism of the devices used until thenMartinez Argandoña complains, for instance, about the complicated design and the "gravest flaws of the Florentine thermometer" («los gravissimos defectos del Thermometro Florentino», Eph-M: 55)), their pros and cons discussedEph-M: 54-58, the instruments are additionally tested for gauge discrepancies (Eph-M: 80f)., and the meteorological tables now provide the exact hours of the measurements which are performed six times a day.Eph-M: 44-53 (month of September, 1737), and Eph-M: 67-76 (month of October, 1737) Unlike the former director, Martinez Argandoña recognizes the challenges meteorological instruments entail, and he appears to be more familiar with the meteorological literature (this knowledge, though, is seemingly limited to French and Italian authors).Martínez Argandoña refers constantly to Réaumur (Eph-M: 54-80 passim) and makes mention of Philippe de La Hire (Eph-M: 57), Guillaume Amontons (55), Jacques Philippe Maraldi (80), Carlo Taglini (55), and Charpentier de Cossigny's instrumental observations on Madagascar and other places around the Indian Ocean (57). And---admittedly just a minor detail but possibly indicative of the internal dynamics of the academy---the dedication to Joseph Cervi, the academy's president, lists his titles and honorifics at length and is noticeably more deferential than in the previous issues.

What Martínez Argandoña presented as a new start turned out to be the final stage of the Madrilenian Ephemerides. The last fascicle of the Eph-M to appear in print was the October issue, although nothing indicated that this would be the end of the project. The last digest in the Diario, however, did cover the entire period from September to December with the instrumental records until the end of year 1737 (which suggests that the author of the anonymous digest is indeed the project's director or at least someone closely connected to the project).Diario 1737/4: 360-370. Just as there remain open questions regarding the funding of the project or the replacement of the director, there is also some uncertainty about the actual termination date of the project. There are indications that an attempt was made to resume the projectA short notice in the Diario that the Eph-M would be continued with a different printer (Diario 1738/5: 352). There is no evidence, however, that this undertaking came to fruition. and some sources suggest that while the Eph-M were discontinued, the instrumental observations did last for some time, perhaps years.Most researchers regard the discontinuation of the Eph-M as de facto closure of the observational activities. The likely reason was a lack of interest on part of the government (Anduaga Egaña 2012: 42; Rodrigo 2018: 2) or, more specifically, that the printing costs turned out to be too high in the long run (Mariscal y García de Rello 1936: 402). Hernández Morejón claims in his multivolume Historia bibliográfica de la medicina española (1843-1852) that the observations continued after yet another managerial turnover. The new person in charge, Jose Arcadio de Ortega [Hortega], proceeded "without interruption" until 1746 (Hernández Morejón VII, 1852: 77). A few recent research papers have repeated this assertion (e.g., López Terrada et al. 2020: 31).

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From Fernández Navarrete's manuscripts (1703: 218r): The page is part of several folios with excerpts from Robert Fludd and contemporaneous authors. The seven columns show particular wind and weather conditions (with spatial and temporal connotations), correspondent diseases, and the domains of benevolent/malicious entities: (1) Fludd's cosmological number scheme, (2) Wind names, (3) Wind qualities (cold, arid etc.), (4) Diseases, (5) Humors, (6) Weather conditions, (7) [Unnamed] Column 7: Demons, Archangels, Spirits. While the source is likely Fludd, there were a few other medical authors xxx grimoires; Fludd: condemned by the Inquisition for several of his works (Martinez de Bujanda 2016: 563)

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Eph-M: 20
An example for the table design of the Ephemerides during Fernández Navarrete's tenure: Moon phases, Meteoros, daily measurements

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Eph-M: 75
Ephemerides, October 27-29: Measurements are now performed four times a day, the column for the moon has been dropped.

The Aftermath

The Ephemerides Matritenses did not attract much attention beyond Spain, except for the English physician Thomas Stack who translated a selection of the Eph-M for the Royal Society.Stack 1738a and 1738b; see also Jones Corredera 2019: 963 Stack's Paper, 'Introduction to the Ephemerides of the Royal Academy of Madrid containing some account of the Institution of that Academy' by Francis Fernandez Navarette[sic!] is largely an English summary of Fernández Navarrete's introduction to the first issue of the Ephemerides matritenses, his translation underscores, however, the break with Spain's longtime academic traditions: "They desire that Scholastic Disputes may be forgot, which have been so great an impediment to the Advancement of Learning [..]."Stack 1738b (CLP/22ii/79): 2v Meanwhile in Spain, Andrés PiquerLike Fernández Navarrete, he was a member of the Academia Médico-Matritense and the Protomedicato (the board in charge of licensing physicians, surgeons, and pharmacists); for his biography and institutional affiliatons see Balaguer Perigüell, and, in minute detail, De Paredes Cencillo 2020: 35-110 continued the tradition of medical meteorology, though not without reservation. On the one hand he refers repeatedly to the meteorological instruments, e.g., to state that the thermometer is more reliable than the human temperature sensationPiquer 1747: 74; context matters, though: the quote is from a chapter on the Pyrrhonist school of scepticism, i.e., his point is less the precision of instruments but the fallability of human perception., or to remark that there is barely any curious person who would not have a barometer in their home to learn about the movements of the air (he means, of course, anyone in the learned class)."Estos hechos son incontrastables, apenas ay curioso que no tenga en su casa el barómetro para conocer las mudanzas del aire." (Piquer 1745: 366); see also his considerations on the barometer's precision (Piquer 1745: 365-373).

In order to translate these lines into philosophical terms: Piquer frames the difference between the study of ancient authors like Hippocrates and the use of modern instruments as the opposition of deductive vs inductive inquiries---which equates in the philosophical rivalry of the time the antithetical forces of Scholasticism vs Empiricism, and he sides with the former.

After the short-lived Madrid project, it took decades to start new endeavours in the same veinAitor Anduaga Egaña has pointed out that Spanish meteorologist in the late 18th and early 19th century continuously deplored the delay and backwardness of their discipline compared to other European countries (Anduaga Egaña 2012: 44-47). Fernández Navarrete, as seen above, had already voiced the same criticism in the introduction to the Eph-M.: BarcelonaAccording to Aitor Anduaga Egaña, the physician Francisco Salva Campillo followed with his meteorological observations in Barcelona the model of the Ephemerides Matritenses (Anduaga Egaña 2012: 43) and MadridVaquero et al 2022: 208 in the 1780sIn this years two publications discussed instrumental meteorology in domains other than medicine: Memoria sobre la construcción y uso de los Instrumentos Meteorológicos by Vicente Alcalá Galiano (1783) and La Meteorología aplicada a la Agricultura by Giuseppe Toaldo [transl.] and Vicente Alcalá Galiano (1786); see the reprint of both works in García Hourcade 2002., and, with the institutional support of the Spanish navy, the cadet school in San Fernando (Cádiz)Anduaga Egaña 2012: 31-35; Domínguez-Castro et al. 2014: 594; Vaquero et al 2022: 208; The library of the Real Observatorio de la Armada holds archival records pertinent to this period: https://armada.defensa.gob.es/ArmadaPortal/page/Portal/ArmadaEspannola/cienciaobservatorio/prefLang-es/08Biblioteca. An initiative of the Ministry of Marine to establish a network of meteorological observatories did not come to fruition because of the Napoleonic WarsDomínguez-Castro et al. 2014: 594.

In 1852, the physician and military surgeon Vicente Martínez y Montes published a book that reads like a farewell to the medical meteorology as practiced by Fernández Navarrete and other early modern physicians who had adopted the novel meteorological instruments for their medical practice. Martínez y Montes makes a clear distinction ---- or rather, he draws an epistemological line ---- between medicine and meteorology which he acknowledges to be a "new science" ("la meteorologia, esa ciencia nueva"Martínez y Montes 1852: 129) and a discipline in its own right. Because of their intrinsic differences, meteorology studies weather conditions as such, whereas medicine examines how weather and climate affect the human body, both disciplines have different aims and methods:

If physicians would look only at the temperature records as produced by meteorologists, Martínez y Montes argues, they would miss what is more significant than the daily means, e.g., rapid temperature spikes and any kind of sudden change that stresses the human body.Martínez y Montes 1852: 130 By decoupling the medical approach to the weather from meteorology, the human body appears to be reinstated as instance of measure: When instrumental measurements are contradictory to human perceptions, a physician should not simply dismiss the latter as a meteorologist would do.Martínez y Montes 1852: 130 Furthermore, the two disciplines operate in different spaces. Meteorologists who seek to exclude human interference, keep their distance from inhabited areas, whereas physicians need to conduct their studies and set up their measuring devices where people live:

Martínez y Montes is not the only medical author with this position on the issue.Martínez y Montes draws, in fact, heavily on a book by the French physician Joseph-Jean-Nicolas Fuster, who had made the argument that physicians who examine the impact of weather and climate on the living body, pursue different research objectives than meteorologists, and they should therefore apply different methods and produce observational records of their own (Fuster 1840: 631).

In hindsight, this arguably marks the retreat of medicine from the field of weather studies, which had become the almost exclusive turf of meteorology, now a discipline in its own right.Interestingly, Martínez y Montes' argumentation has notable parallels with the line of reasoning in Fleming/Jankovic's criticism of modern meteorology: "This layer [i.e., the "layer of air within two meters of the ground" or "anthropocentric layer"] has not been fully or even adequately explored, which is unusual, since it is so accessible to us—as intimately close as our next breath. Indeed, it has been consciously excluded from environmental analysis. In the second half of the nineteenth century meteorologists adopted a policy of locating their instruments in shelters two meters above the ground. In an attempt to standardize their measurements and compare measurements over widespread areas, they began to consider the layer of air adjacent to the ground “a zone of disturbance” to be excluded from scientific analysis." (Fleming/Jankovic 2011: 4) The central questions posed in the Ephemerides Barometrico-Medicas Matritenses are still raised today, though. Fernández Navarrete's central tenet was the inextricable link between a particular place and the health of its population, and he was specifically concerned about air, water, and soil, all of which are still, probably even more than ever, a cause of health concerns. What has fundamentally changed is how we understand and perceive the world around us. It is not a malicious wind from the north that brings disease upon us but airborne particles generated from fossil fuels. On an epistemological level, there are, of course, fundamental differences between the early modern idea of the "natural history" influencing the local population and today's awareness of environmental pollution linked to disease and premature deaths. Viewed from experience of an environment fraught with risk, the medical meteorology of yore did not lose its relevance.

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Portada 1737
The full title, Ephemerides barometrico-medicas matritenses, para el mas puntual, y exacto calculo de las observaciones que han de ilustrar la Historia Natural, y Medica de España, sums up the central subject and goal of the project: Producing daily "barometric" (i.e., meteorological) and medical records of the city of Madrid, in order to create precise and exact data for a (future) study of the natural and medical history of Spain. The dedicatory address at the bottom continues on the following pages and---aside from plenty courtesy and decorum directed to Giuseppe Cervi, the academy's president for life and "primer Medico del Rey y Reyna"---briefly explains the purpose of the newly founded Academy of Medicine as an institution for the benefit of public health.

• History of Medicine
• History of Science
• Meteorology
• Spain

References:

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Acosta, José. 2008. Historia Natural y Moral de Las Indias. Edited by Fermín Pino-Díaz and Fermín Pino Díaz. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.

Alberola Romá, Armando. 2015. “Tiempo, Clima y Enfermedad En La Prensa Española de La Segunda Mitad Del Siglo XVIII. Diarios Meteorológicos y Crónicas de Desastres En El Memorial Literario.” El Argonauta Español 12. https://doi.org/10.4000/argonauta.2142.

Alemán, Mateo, and German Bleiberg. 1977. “El «Informe Secreto» de Mateo Alemán Sobre El Trabajo Forzoso En Las Minas de Almadén.” Estudios de Historia Social: Revista Del Instituto de Estudios de Sanidad y Seguridad Social, no. 2–3: 357–443. https://archive.org/details/MATEO_ALEMAN_INFORME_SECRETO.

Alencé, Joachim d’. 1688. Abhandlung Dreyer so Nothwendig-Als Nützlichen Instrumenten, Nemlich Deß Barometri, Thermometri Und Notiometri Oder Hygrometri. Der Lufft Geringste Veränderungen in Schwere Und Leichte, in Wärme Und Kälte, in Feuchte Und Truckne, Auff Das Genaueste Zu Beobachten. Translated by Johann Crato Hiegel. Mainz: Ludwig Bourgeat. https://onb.digital/result/10935F8E.

Anduaga Egaña, Aitor. 2012. Meteorología, Ideología y Sociedad En La España Contemporánea. Madrid: CSIC, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.

Anonymous. 1737a. “Articulo IV. Ephemerides Barometrico-Medicas Matritenses, Junio, Julio, Agosto.” Diario de Los Literatos de España 1: 134–64. http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es/issn/2484-9790.

———. 1737b. “Articulo XVIII. Ephemerides Barometrico-Medicas Matritenses, de Los Meses de Septiembre, Octubre, Noviembre, y Diciembre Del Año 1737, Extractadas de Orden de La Real Academia Medica, Por El Doctor Don Alexandro Martinez.” Diario de Los Literatos de España 1: 360–70. http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es/issn/2484-9790.

———. 1737c. “Articulo XXII. Ephemerides Barometrico-Medicas Matritenses Para El Mas Puntual, y Exacto Calculo de Las Observaciones Que Han de Ilustrar La Historia Natural, y Medica de España: Extractadas de Orden de La Real Academia Medico-Matritense, Por El Doct. D. Francisco Fernandez Navarrete [...].” Diario de Los Literatos de España 1: 311–40. http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es/issn/2484-9790.

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